Caste-related violence has occurred and occurs in India in various forms. According to a report by Human Rights Watch, "Dalits and indigenous people (known as Scheduled Tribes or adivasis) continue to face discrimination, exclusion, and acts of communal violence. Laws and policies adopted by the Indian government provide a strong basis for protection, but are not being faithfully implemented by local authorities."
Video Caste-related violence in India
1968 Kilvenmani massacre, Tamil Nadu
December 25, 1968 in which a group of c.44 striking Dalit (untouchable) village labourers were murdered by a gang, allegedly sent by their landlords, as they were demanding higher wages.
Maps Caste-related violence in India
1981 Phoolan Devi, Uttar Pradesh
Phoolan Devi (1963 - 2001) was an Indian dacoit (bandit), who later turned politician. Born into a traditional boatman class Mallaah family, she was kidnapped by a gang of dacoits. The Gujjar leader of the gang tried to rape her, but she was protected by the deputy leader Vikram, who belonged to her caste. Later, an upper-caste Thakur friend of Vikram killed him, abducted Phoolan, and locked her up in the Behmai village. Phoolan was raped in the village by Thakur men, until she managed to escape after three weeks. India reacts to Dehuli bloodbath with shock, horror and a sense of fatalism y resignation over the Dehuli issue is not important, law and order is," was Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Vishwanath Pratap Singh's answer when asked why after owning moral responsibility for the massacre, he had not quit. "Either we protect the survivors, and liquidate the killers, or we might as well find somebody else to run this state," Singh told India Today at Mainpuri on November 23. "I don't want it said by history," he added. "that two murderers threw out my government."
That evening Singh air-dashed to Delhi and met the prime minister, and the next day in Lucknow he announced that he was giving himself exactly a month to improve the law and order situation. At fortnight's end though, it seemed as though law and order would force Singh's exit.
Dehuli is a comparatively large village (population 900) in western Mainpuri district of Uttar Pradesh. About 24 of its 100-odd families are Jatavs (cobblers) and Rangias (tanners); 40 are Thakurs, a dozen are Muslim, and the rest are an assortment of lesser castes. The fields around are planted with paddy, mustard, and potatoes.
Death struck violently and without warning at Dehuli's Jatavs on November 18. At 4.30 p.m. on that fateful day, a gang of 16 armed assassins, dressed in fake police uniforms and led by two Thakur youths, Radheshyam Singh (Radhey) and Santosh Singh (Santosha), moved in suddenly from the nearby fields. For four hours, the killers systematically hunted out and gunned down every Jatav in sight. When the gunfire died down, 24 bodies lay strewn about the basti.
Wailing women mourn the dead: A violent outburstCasualties: A few Jatavs miraculously escaped death. Six were grievously wounded. One boy was hidden in a cupboard by his mother. Two infants were thrown on to the roof of their hut by their mother, who herself died. Two young Jatav men evaded the killers by burrowing deep into haystacks.
Among them was a young man of 24 years, Kunwar Prasad. Prasad's luck was remarkable, for he was one of the prime targets of the killers, along with his father Latoori Prasad, 70. Latoori and quite a few other able-bodied Jatavs were out working in the fields when the attackers came. They hid out there all night long, while the killers, after a hearty meal, spent the night in the village's Radhakrishna temple till daybreak.
When the outside world finally got to Dehuli, Kunwar Prasad wasn't around. He was 16 km away, at the R.N.M. Civil Hospital at Shikohabad. tending his young wife. It was Latoori, instead, who hit the headlines in the local press. He was the worst affected: eight members of his family had been killed, and each of his four brothers' families suffered casualties. Latoori fell at each visitor's feet, grief-stricken, and begged that he and his surviving relatives be taken far away, to Agra, to safety.
Not suprisingly, few people bothered to visit the Shikohabad hospital. Most preferred to travel 48 km further east to Mainpuri, where the bodies lay in the mortuary, and where six doctors worked through two days to conduct post-mortems. The killers had used mostly 12-bores, rifles, and country pistols. They shot at point-blank range, either at the victim's chest or neck. Their ammunition had been recharged with lethal buckshot, and the wounds were horrific.
Asha's clothes and chappals lying near the door: Old enmityTragic: The scene at the Shikohabad hospital was heart-rending, and yet indicative of general apathy. The seven injured included a Muslim boy shot in the hand and let off by the killers when it was discovered he wasn't a Jatav. Two bored young doctors desultorily fielded questions. They were more interested in reading newspaper reports of the carnage. Inside the ward, the conditions were shockingly unhygienic.
Two of the wounded, an 8-month baby called Munni and Neelam, a one-and-a-half-year-old girl, had been shot in their necks. Both lay in their bloodied bandages, covered with flies. The older victims picked at some food ordered in by the hospital from a nearby dhaba. Even as late as on November 22, four days after the carnage, the victims had not been operated upon for the removal of the bullets.
Kunwar Prasad's wife Sarwati, 20, was holding her infant son Rajesh when the killers came. The same bullet killed Rajesh and pierced Sarwati's chest. She sat there, numb and frozen, unable to answer questions. Incoherent with grief, and yet angry ("Who will do anything for us?") Kunwar Prasad described how he had lost his brothers Ram Prasad and Ram Sewak, his sisters-in-law Singarwati and Shanti Devi, and his sister Rajendri, who had come visiting. Greater still was the grief in Latoori's household when news came from the Mainpuri mortuary that the pregnant Shanti Devi had been carrying twins, a boy and a girl.
Latoori Prasad's was one of the four Jatav families owning a few bighas of cultivable land. His four brothers, Chunnilal, Vedram, Pyarelal and Panchilal, lived close by. Chunnilal lost his daughter-in-law Asha Devi, Vedram his sons Dataram and Bharat Singh, and Panchilal his relative Lalaram Pyarelal's wife Ganga and son Harnarain were wounded. There was reason for the killers' especial animosity towards Latoori and his relatives. The origins of the Dehuli massacre lay some years back when Chunnilal's son Kunwar Pal used to head the gang, in which Radhey was lieutenant. Three years ago, Kunwar Pal fell out with Radhey's friend Santosha. It is also alleged that he made a pass at a Thakur woman.
The Gang: Kunwar Pal's relatives found his headless body one morning beside the adjoining Ghoghnipur Branch Canal. Nobody notified the police of the murder and the Radhey-Santosha gang roamed the surrounding countryside, looting travellers and committing occasional murders. Until last fortnight's massacre, the gang did not figure in a single police file. Eighteen months ago, however, a Jatav tipped off the police at Jasrana, 12 km away, that the gang was in the village.
The police swooped down, arrested two gang members, and seized some arms. They roped in four Jatavs - Maharam, Balasahab, Mitthoolal and Anjanlal - as witnesses. That was when the gang swore revenge, and the case became one of the Thakurs against the Jatavs.
The Jatavs say that the village's Thakurs pooled money to equip the gang with its arsenal. In any case, 40 people taken in by the police for questioning failed to reveal substantial clues as to the gang's whereabouts. The police privately believed that the gang was being helped by Thakurs from surrounding villages to escape the dragnet. By November 23, in fact, the gang had moved into Agra district. Meanwhile, Dehuli had to tolerate the visitors. The influx began on November 20 when two helicopters brought V. P. Singh, his Home Minister Swaroop Kumari Bakshi, and Union Home Minister Zail Singh. The VIPs, after commiserating with the victims' families, announced grants of aid in cash and kind. The money was later placed in post office accounts at Jasrana and an army of district employees distributed Rs 10,000 worth of food, blankets, quilts and utensils.
There appeared to be a conscious attempt to downplay the Dehuli incident. Jagjivan Ram was the only prominent opposition leader to travel to the village. Mrs Gandhi went there only on November 27. Accompanied by V. P. Singh and Mrs Bakshi, she travelled by helicopter from Agra and spent two hours talking to the affected families.
None of the visiting ministers experienced the rigours of travelling by road to the village. Access to it is gained by a road that branches left immediately Shikohabad, and then runs for an unending, 16-km stretch alongside the Ghoghnipur canal, an incredibly dusty and rutted track. Cavalcades of Matador pickups, jeeps and cars, bedecked with hastily painted banners and black flags, nevertheless braved the journey to Dehuli.
It seemed as though Uttar Pradesh's goriest massacre had become its biggest tourist attraction after the Taj Mahal. At the village, clusters of gawping people filed through the twisting alleys between the rude, thatched mud huts. The silence of death hung over each Jatav home. Men and women still in the grip of a numbing grief broke out now and then into uncontrollable sobs. At least ten mud courtyards bore clearly visible pools of dried blood.
Anarchy: Aid, consolation and curiosity, however, could not erase the implications of the Dehuli tragedy. For one thing, it illustrated the rapid descent into anarchy of 12 of western Uttar Pradesh's dacoit and criminal infested districts. For another, it showed up the hypocrisy of paper-thin land reforms and the permanence of the vested caste-class power structure.
Dehuli's Jatavs, for instance, had been awarded title deeds for 10 bighas of land apiece in 1973. But they haven't been allowed by the Thakurs to even demarcate their land, most of which is oosar (uncultivable) anyway. They are forced to work as agricultural labourers for paltry daily wages of Rs 6.
A district official revealed that as many as 15,000 gun licences had been issued in Mainpuri district alone. There was no count of illegal arms. Violence and dacoity are endemic. In the 12 affected districts, for instance, there have been 1,206 murders and 596 dacoities, this year. Law-keeping is nonexistent, and the marauders' stratagem of donning police or army uniforms foxes both pursuers and victims. Dehuli's surviving Jatavs do not trust the police one bit, and prefer the Provincial Armed Constabulary (PAC) or the Border Security Force (BSF).
A 26-man platoon of the PAC mounted guard on the Jatav quarter the day after the carnage. Harijan suspicion of the police also stems from the fact that most policemen belong to the upper castes. There are 22 police stations in Mainpuri district, where 24 percent of the population of 17 lakh consists of Harijans, but only one station in-charge is a Harijan.
Latoori Prasad: Worst affectedBelated Action: Additional Inspector-General of Police Tushar Dutt, who is in-charge of Jhansi division and the Kanpur and Agra ranges, insists that there were only 115 murders in the areas under his command this year against 135 last year, and that 82 dacoits had so far been killed in 124 encounters. Satish Kumar Mukherjee, DIG, Agra range, said he could not understand why so many licences had been issued for high-calibre rifles that were as good as the police force's. He also said that he would not take the innocence of the scheduled castes for granted. Mainpuri's District Magistrate Ajit Seth said that he had suspended the arms licences of the three registered Thakur families in Dehuli.
He had also ordered the immediate issuance of arms licences to eight Jatav families. It was ironical that the Jatavs should get licences after the carnage. The massacre spurred the state Government into belated action. V. P. Singh convened a high-level officials' meeting at Mainpuri, the district headquarters, on November 23. Later, it was announced that the state Government would issue an ordinance providing for pre-trial detention of dacoits up to six months, to facilitate investigation. Police outposts and their strengths would be improved in number, and the police would have greater mobility, and greatly enhanced compensation for the next-of-kin of those killed or wounded in anti-dacoity operations, which would henceforth be looked after by freshly-appointed additional superintendents of police.
The chief minister alleged that the Janata government had indiscriminately distributed arms licences. He admitted that land reforms had scarcely changed the feudal structure in the state's villages.
A surviving woman of the Jatav community mourns her husband: A shocking bloodbathMeanwhile, the nation reacted to the Dehuli bloodbath with shock, horror and a sense of fatalism. While the debate over the massacre rocked Parliament during the first two days of its winter session. The Statesman editorialised that "the most horrendous forms of caste tyranny can flourish with impunity" in Uttar Pradesh. Jagjivan Ram demanded that Harijans should be settled in separate villages and given arms for self-defence.
Dehuli occurred nine months after dacoit queen Phoolan Devi killed 20 Thakurs in Jalaun district's Behmai village. Suddenly, it seemed as though India's largest state was ruled not by its inept government, but by the power that flows from thousands of cruel guns.
Phoolan Devi then formed a gang of Mallahs, which carried out a series of violent robberies in north and central India, mainly targeting upper-caste people. Some say that Phoolan Devi targeted only the upper-caste people and shared the loot with the lower-caste people, but the Indian authorities insist this is a myth. Seventeen months after her escape from Behmai, Phoolan returned to the village, to take her revenge. On February 14, 1981, her gang massacred twenty-two Thakur men in the village, only two of which were supposedly involved in her kidnapping or rape. Phoolan Devi later surrendered and served eleven years in prison, after which she became a politician. During her election campaign, she was criticized by the women widowed in the Behmai massacre. Kshatriya Swabhimaan Andolan Samanvay Committee (KSASC), a Kshatriya organization, held a statewide campaign to protest against her. She was elected a Member of Parliament twice.
On July 25, 2001, Phoolan Devi was shot dead by unknown assassins. Later, a man called Sher Singh Rana confessed to the murder, saying he was avenging the deaths of 22 Kshatriyas at Behmai. Although the police were skeptical of his claims, he was arrested. Rana escaped from Tihar Jail in 2004. In 2006, KSASC decided to honor Rana for "upholding the dignity of the Thakur community" and "drying the tears of the widows of Behmai."
1985: Karamchedu massacre
Karamchedu massacre is a massacre which occurred in Karamchedu, Andhra Pradesh on 17 July 1985, where madiga caste dalits were killed by Kamma then ruling caste in 1985.Many people lost their lives in the incident.
1990s: Ranvir Sena
Ranvir Sena is a militia group based in Bihar. The group is based amongst the higher-caste landlords, and carries out actions against the outlawed naxals in rural areas. It has committed violent acts against Dalits and other members of the scheduled caste community in an effort to prevent their land from going to them.
1991-Tsundur Andhra Pradesh
The village became infamous for the killing of 8 dalits on the 6 August 1991, when a mob of over 300 people, composed of mainly Reddys and telagas chased down the victims along the bund of an irrigation canal. This happened after police department asked locals to go aggressive against large number of eve teasing outsiders entering village . In the trial which was concluded, 21 people were sentenced to life imprisonment and 35 others to a year of rigorous imprisonment and a penalty of Rs. 2,000 each, on the 31 July 2007, by special judge established for the Purpose under SC,STs Atrocities(Prevention) Act.
1996 Bathani Tola Massacre, Bihar
21 Dalits were killed by the Ranvir Sena in Bathani Tola, Bhojpur in Bihar on 11 July 1996. Among the dead were 11 women, six children and three infants. Ranvir Sena mob killed women and children in particular with the intention of deterring any future resistance which they foresaw.
Six members of Naimuddin Ansari's family were slaughtered by Ranvir Sena according to the Naimuddin Ansari's witness statement. The FIR was lodged against 33 persons the day after the massacre. Niammuddin was a bangle-seller at the time of the carnage, whose 3 month old daughter was killed. Widespread claims suggest they were killed by Ranvir Sena aggressors.. Naimuddin's 7 year son Saddam was attacked and his face was mutilated by sword lacerations.
On 17 April 2012, the Patna High Court acquitted 23 men convicted of the murders. A Division Bench of judges Navneeti Prasad Singh and Ashwani Kumar Singh cited "defective evidence" to acquit all of them. The next day, the Bihar State SC/ST Welfare Minister Jitan Ram Manjhi stated that the NDA-led Government (under Nitish Kumar) had decided to move to Supreme court challenging the Patna HC Order.
A Ranvir Sena sympathizer, who spoke to the Hindu correspondent Shoumojit Banerjee, justified the reactionary mobilisation of the upper castes against those Naxals. "The land is ours. The crops belong to us. The labourers did not want to work, and also hampered our efforts by burning our machines and imposing economic blockades. So, they had it coming."
Post Bathani Tola Carnage there were several retaliatory naxal attacks killing at least 500 upper caste civilians as well as attacks on Dalits and Labourers organized by the Ranvir Sena in Laxmanpur Bathe and Sankarbigha in which 81 Dalits were killed.
The Counsel for the witness, Anand Vatsyayan, expressed being shocked at the High Court verdict and reportedly said that "sufficient evidence were at hand to uphold the judgement passed by the Ara sessions court. The Supreme Court guidelines in the event of a massacre are quite clear. The eyewitnesses need not remember all the names. And, of the six prime witnesses questioned in this case, all had conclusively pointed fingers at the persons convicted by the lower court.
1996 Melavalavu murders
In the village of Melavalavu, in Tamil Nadu's Madurai district, following the election of a Dalit to the village council presidency, members of a higher-caste(Kallar) group murdered six Dalits in June 1996.
Melur panchayat, which was a general constituency, was declared a reserved constituency in 1996. This had caused resentment between Scheduled Caste people and Kallar (Ambalakarar) community. In the 1996 panchayat elections, Murugesan was elected president.
In June 1996, a group of persons attacked Murugesan, vice-president Mookan and others with deadly weapons, resulting in the death of six persons and injuries to many others. A total of 40 persons were cited as accused in the case. The trial court convicted Alagarsamy and 16 others and sentenced them to undergo life imprisonment. On appeal, the High Court by its judgment dated April 19, 2006, confirmed the trial court's order. Alagarsamy and others filed appeals against this judgment.
1997 Laxmanpur Bathe Carnage, Bihar
On 1 December 1997, Ranvir Sena gunned down 58 Dalits at Laxmanpur Bathe in retaliation for the Bara massacre in Gaya where 37 upper castes were killed for no reason. In particular, a specific Bhumihar community of upper castes was targeted in retaliation for their opposition towards handing out their land for land reform. Charges were framed in the Laxmanpur-Bathe case against 46 Ranvir Sena men on December 23, 2008.
On 7 April 2010 sentenced 16 convicted persons to death out of the 26 convicted at Patna court. Announcing the judgement, Additional District Judge Vijay Prakash Mishra sentenced to life imprisonment the remaining 10 convicts and imposed a fine of Rs. 50,000 on each.
Around 91 of 152 witnesses in the case had deposed before the court.
1997 Ramabai killings, Mumbai
On 11 July 1997, a statue of B.R. Ambedkar in the Dalit colony of Ramabai was desecrated by unknown individuals. An initially peaceful protest was fired on by the police, killing ten people, including a bystander who had not been involved in the protests. Later in the day, 26 people were injured when the police carried out a lathi charge against the protesters. Commentators suggested that the arbitrarily violent response from the police had been the result of caste based prejudice, as the leader of the team stood accused in multiple cases involving caste-based discrimination.
1999 Bant Singh case, Punjab
In January 1999 four members of the village panchayat of Bhungar Khera village in Abohar paraded a handicapped Dalit woman, Ramvati devi naked through the village. No action was taken by the police, despite local Dalit protests. It was only on July 20 that the four panchayat members and the head Ramesh lal were arrested, after the State Home Department was compelled to order an inquiry into the incident.
On the evening of January 5, 2006 Bant Singh, Mazhabi, Dalit Sikh, was attacked by unknown assailants. His injuries necessitated medical amputation. He alleges that this was in retaliation for actively working to secure justice for his daughter, who was gang raped by upper caste members of his village in Punjab five years earlier.
A 55-year-old Dalit Sikh woman, Sawinder Kaur has been tortured, stripped and tied to a tree in Ram Duali village of Punjab because her nephew eloped with a girl from the same community. The police arrested four persons for allegedly committing the crime on 9 September 2007.
2000 Kambalapalli incident Karnataka
On 11 March 2000, seven Dalits were locked in a house and burnt alive by an upper-caste Reddy mob in Kambalapalli, Kolar district of Karnataka state. The Civil Rights Enforcement (CRE) Cell investigation revealed deep-rooted animosity between the Dalits and the upper-castes as the reason for the violence.
A division bench of Karnataka High Court acquitted all 46 accused in August 2014. The bench headed by Justice Mohan Shantanagoudar held that a conviction would be "pre-judicial" to the interest of the accused given that 14 years had passed since the incident and all the 22 eyewitnesses had since turned hostile. The court also observed that the investigating police officer and some of the eyewitnesses were not cross-examined properly.
The witnesses in the case, many of whom had narrowly escaped with their lives, had turned hostile during the trial in a lower court, resulting in a similar acquittal in 2006. Immediately after that verdict was delivered, many of the witnesses told the media that they backtracked because of threats from upper-caste groups.
A subsequent plea for a retrial was rejected by the High Court.
2003 Muthanga Incident Kerala
On 19th Feb 2003, the Adivasis/Tribals gathered under Adivasi Gothra Mahasbha (ADMS), at Muthanga faced 18 rounds of police firing in which 2 fatal casualties were confirmed officially. The Tribals gathered in protest to the Governments delay in allotting them land, which was signed in October 2001. Later, the casualty toll had reached 5 deaths among the Tribals. Vinod, a Police Constable who died, was also a Dalit.
2006 Khairlanji massacre Maharashtra
On September 29, 2006, four members of the Bhotmange family belonging to the Mahar community were killed by a mob of 40 people belonging to the Maratha Kunbi caste. The incident happened in Kherlanji, a small village in Bhandara district of Maharashtra. The Mahars are Dalit, while the Kunbi are classified as an Other Backward Class by the Government of India. The Bhotmanges were stripped naked and paraded to the village square by a mob of 40 people. The sons were ordered to rape their mother and sister, and when they refused, their genitals were mutilated before they were murdered. An initial call to the police was ignored, and a search for the bodies was deliberately delayed 2 days. The bodies were found in a canal, and due to the length of time the bodies were in the water, much of the physical evidence was contaminated or destroyed. The subsequent police and political inaction led to protests from Dalits. After allegations of a cover-up, the case was transferred to the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI).
Maharashtra's home minister and Indian National Congress leader RR Patil claimed that the Dalit protests were motivated by extremist elements. A government report on the killings implicated top police officers, autopsy doctors and the local BJP MLA Madhukar Kukade for covering-up. A local court convicted 8 people, sentencing 6 of them to death and the other 2 to life. However, the death sentences were later commuted to life by the Nagpur bench of the Bombay High Court. The High Court declared that the murders were motivated by revenge, not caste.
2006 Dalit protests in Maharashtra
In November-December 2006, the desecration of an Ambedkar statue in Kanpur (Uttar Pradesh) triggered violent protests by Dalits in Maharashtra. Several people remarked that the protests were fueled by the Kherlanji Massacre. During the violent protests, the Dalit protestors set three trains on fire, damaged over 100 buses and clashed with police At least four deaths and many more injuries were reported.
2008 caste violence in Rajasthan
In the Indian province of Rajasthan, between the years 1999 and 2002, crimes against Dalits average at about 5024 a year, with 46 killings and 138 cases of rape.
2011 killings of Dalits in Mirchpur, Haryana
In 2011, dalits were killed by upper caste in Mirchpur village in Narnaund, Sub District of Hissar. The houses of dalits were burned hence causing them to flee the village.
2012 Dharmapuri violence
In December 2012 approximately 268 dwellings - huts, tiled-roof and one or two-room concrete houses of Dalits of the Adi Dravida community near Naikkankottai in Dharmapuri district of western Tamil Nadu were torched by the higher-caste Vanniyar.The victims have alleged that 'systematic destruction' of their properties and livelihood resources has taken place.
In December 2012, in case of caste violence, two men named Akbar Ali and Mustafa Ansari were beaten by Muslims.
2013 Marakkanam violence, Tamil Nadu
In April 2013, violence broke out between the villagers along East Coast Road near Marakkanam and those travelling to Vanniyar dominant caste gathering at Mamallapuram. A mob indulged in setting fire to houses, 4 buses of TNSTC and PRTC. 3 people were injured in police firing. Traffic was closed in ECR for a day.
2015 Jat-Dalit violence in Dangawas, Rajasthan
On Thursday, May 14, 2015, clashes between Jats and Dalits in Dangawas village of Rajasthan's Nagaur district left 4 people dead and 13 injured.
2016 Rohith Vemula Suicide in Central University of Hyderabad
The suicide of Rohith Vemula on 18 January 2016 sparked protests and outrage from across India and gained widespread media attention as an alleged case of discrimination against Dalits and backward classes in India in which elite educational institutions have been purportedly seen as an enduring vestige of caste-based discrimination against students belonging to "backward classes".
2016 Saharanpur violence
The violence broke out during the procession of Rajput warrior-king Maharana Pratap over the loud music. In the violence one man was killed, 16 were injured and 25 Dalit houses were burned. The incident was connected to the BJP MP from Saharanpur Raghav Lakhanpal.
2018 Samrau Violence,Jodhpur (Rajasthan)
On the evening of 14 January 2018, clashes between Jats and Rajputs in Samrau village of Rajasthan's Jodhpur district burned shops and houses of many innocent people also they destroyed Rawla(king's residence).
April 2018
Kachanatham, Sivagangai (Tamil Nadu), May 28, 2018
Dominant caste Hindus were "enraged" that Dalits did not present temple honours to an upper-caste family, and a Dalit man sat cross-legged in front of upper-caste men. Dominant caste members also were enraged when Dalits protested the sale of marijuana in the area by people from a neighbouring village and intimidated and threatened the Dalits.
When the Dalit caste protested the intimidation and threats from the dominant castes in the village with the local police in retaliation a gang of 15 dominant caste members raided the Dalit village at night attacking people indiscriminately killing three and injuring six.
See also
- Communalism (South Asia)
- Religious violence in India
- Religious harmony in India
References
Source of the article : Wikipedia
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